Language as a badge of identity Essay Example for Free

Language as a badge of identity Essay Language is used every day to communicate with one another but beneath that conversation lies another message. The speaker’s use of language gives listeners insight as to who they are, like a badge of identity on their chest. Australian English’s unique phonology and lexicon is recognised globally and distinguishes it from other accents, giving the speaker a clear national identity. Ethno-lects are spoken by a specific group of people who have the same cultural background. These â€Å"ethno-lects† not only help express an individual’s identity and separate themselves from the rest, but also assist in bringing together speakers from similar backgrounds; much like a football jersey. Text speak is constantly evolving as lexemes are taking on new changes. Many teenagers and younger children have begun to adopt this in an attempt to identify with others and fit in. Through language, we can get a glimpse of a person’s identity but they can use the same medium to change that identity as well. Australian English is unlike other Englishes in many different aspects, especially phonetically morphologically and semantically. Phonology plays a great role in national identity as it is what creates different accents. The broad, ocker Australian accent with its trademark nasal, flattened vowels is one of the key elements of Australian linguistics that sets it apart from the rest of the world. Diphthongs in lexemes like â€Å"high† are more rounded, resulting in /hoÉ ª/. Phonetic features such as these are easily identified as Australian. Slang is another feature of Australian English that sets it apart from others. Replacing suffixes with vowels is a good example of this. â€Å"Afternoon† becomes â€Å"arvo†, names like â€Å"Barry† becomes â€Å"Bazza† and by replacing the last element with an ‘-o’, the adjective â€Å"povo† has undergone a word class shift from the noun â€Å"poverty†. Popular culture has also influe nced Australian English, with ABC television series J’amie, Private School girl introducing a semantic and word class shift of ‘quiche’ (a noun meaning a savoury open-faced pastry) to an adjective to describe an attractive individual. Australia’s linguistic innovation displays individuality and opposes claims that slang is borrowed from America.  Australian English shows both national pride and identity. Teenagers are at the age when they are starting to establish their identity. Neologisms are created by teenagers to claim a different identity from that of children or adults. As adults become more familiar with these lexemes and their use, teenagers abandon them or alter the semantics and use to maintain a linguistic barrier. A good example of this is the well-known acronym â€Å"lol† which stands for Laugh Out Loud. As more adults become aware of this lexical item and start to include it in their daily texts, teenagers have brought it into speech as an exclamatory and discourse particle. The case of the letters now also alters the semantics; when typed in lower-case, â€Å"lol† is sarcastic whilst â€Å"LOL† in capital letters shows true amusement. It is evident that this constant changing of terms by teenagers is a sign of rebellion and an effort to keep a linguistic barrier between themselves and adults, thus maintaining a separate identity. The malleability of the lexicon is taken advantage of by teenagers to form a linguistic barrier between themselves and unwanted people such as adults and other teenagers who don’t belong in their group. Thus, a unique identity is maintained. While teenagers are constantly seeking to separate themselves from children and adults, they are also pressured to conform to the teenage group. Acronyms such as â€Å"idek† (I don’t even know) and â€Å"tbh† (to be honest) are now frequently used lexicon in a teenager’s text vocabulary due to connotations of â€Å"cool† and â€Å"modern† being associated with them. Similarly, whatever was once popular amongst a teenager’s discourse. In time, it was shortened to â€Å"whatevs† and this trend spread quickly amongst them as a result of peer pressure and the need to be fashionable. Professor Steven Pinker suggests the reason for this is because â€Å"the coolest kids decide to talk that way and it spreads like wildfire†. Individuals who wish to associate with others who sit higher on the â€Å"social pyramid† will pick up their speech habits and wear it as a new badge of identity. Having their own exclusive vocabulary allows teenagers to relate to each other and share the same identity, giving them a sense of belonging to a group. Language can be worn as a badge of identity, giving speakers national,  interpersonal and intrapersonal identity. The phonology of Australian English gives the speaker a distinct accent and, paired along with its unique slang, makes it identifiable across the globe. In order to separate themselves from adults and children, teenagers build a linguistic barrier by creating neologisms and maintaining that barrier by constantly altering lexicon to avoid adults becoming too familiar with them. On the other hand, inside the teenage group is a drive to conform and use similar language in an attempt to fit in with peers and to have a sense of belonging. Language is used as a badge of identity regardless of what that identity is. Bibliography Das, S, 2005. Struth! Someones nicked me Strine. The Age, 29 January. 34. Seaton, M, 2001. Word Up. Guardian, 21 September. 46.

History Of Yasser Arafat History Essay

History Of Yasser Arafat History Essay Yasser Arafat has been at the forefront of the Palestinian struggle for decades. Born on 24th August 1929 in Cairo, Egypt, Arafat reached adolescence at a time of great turmoil in Palestine with its partition in 1948. He lived most of his life as a revolutionary, striving to achieve the dream of Palestinian sovereignty through armed struggle and diplomacy. This study looks to explore, what was the role of Yasser Arafat in trying to bring a resolution to the Palestinian problem. After looking at an overview of the Palestinian problem and Arafats life, this essay looks to analyse Arafat role in: taking control of Palestinian destiny, the armed struggle and diplomacy. With Arafats death, the revolution he set up, though not dead, has evidently faded. This is substantiated with the weakening of the Palestinian National Authority and the devastation of the recent Gaza War.  [1]  This topic is important as it will help to understand the role of Arafat who united, organised and set up the Palestinians to take control of their destiny, and subsequently resolve their 62 year-old struggle. Body: Overview The Palestinian Problem On November 29th 1947, the UN announced that the British Mandate of Palestine would be partitioned into separate Arab and Jewish states. Palestine then was inhabited by 1,308,000 people (McCarthy, 2001), of which, 66% were Arab and 33% were Jewish (MidEastWeb and Ami Isseroff, 2007). On May 14th 1948, as a result of the UN announcement, the Israeli Declaration of Independence was announced, creating the State of Israel. The creation of Israel angered Arabs throughout Arab world. A day after the withdrawal of British troops from Palestine, Israel faced an Arab coalition,  [2]  led by Egypt, Jordan and Syria. Deemed from the onset as a quick Arab victory, the war eventuated in a humiliating Arab defeat resulting in the Nakbah, The Catastrophe. 750 000 Palestinians fled or were evicted by the Israeli army out of their homes. The Palestinians became a stateless people. Consequently, 1948 marked the beginning of the Palestinian problem. It is the issue of Palestinian sovereignty and self-determination; a struggle for Palestinian homeland, a resolution for Palestinian refugees and a vision of Palestinian statehood. This task of resolving the issue was undertaken by the Palestinian revolutionary, Yasser Arafat. The Rise of Arafat Born on 24th August 1929, in Cairo, Egypt, Arafat was the son of Palestinian merchants.  [3]  During the Arab-Israeli War of 1948, he went to Palestine to join the fighting against Israel. He later left the conflict due to the lack of co-ordination and support. In 1954, Yasser Arafat with a number of Palestinian colleagues formed the militant group Fatah in Kuwait. The group was dedicated to liberate Palestine by Palestinians, and if necessary, through force. Arafat and Fatah went to Jordan to initiate raids into Israel. Arafats first challenge was to take control of the Palestinians destiny from the Arab regimes. In the 1950s, responsibility for the Palestinians lay on the surrounding Arab countries, specifically, Jordan and Egypt. Palestinians expressed their growing discontent in relying on these Arab states that were seen to be negligent of their cause. Consequently, in 1964, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) was formed as an umbrella organisation for the different Palestinian factions. According to Abu Dawoud, a Senior Fatah Leader, the PLO was set up as a means of releasing the frustration felt by the Palestinians (al-Issawi, 2009). However, its initial years were regarded as weak. In 1967, The Six Day War took place, in which Israel fought Egypt, Jordan and Syria. The war was another humiliating Arab defeat. It broke Arab morale, and Palestinians lost trust in an Arab resolution. Though Fatah played a small role in the fighting, it gradually gained support throughout the Arab world. Fatahs growing popularity led to their induction into the PLO in 1967. Fatah had its first main military encounter with Israel in the Battle of Karameh in 1968. In retaliation to the raids by Fatah into Israel, the Israeli army raided the Jordanian city of Karameh, a stronghold of Fatah. Though the battle was militarily won by Israel, the great resistance put up by Fatah boosted the morale of its troops. The popular response of Karameh brought well needed fund for the organisation, and thousands of Palestinian volunteers, known as the fedayeen joined Arafat. The growing popularity of Arafat and his Fatah resulted with him becoming chairman of the PLO in 1969. Based in Jordan and under Arafat, the organisation became strong and independent, making Palestinian appeals projected to the world. Arafat and the Fedayeen Arafat was the ideal man to lead the Palestinian resurgence. He was charismatic and popular among Arabs and Palestinians, and most importantly, he was a Palestinian leading the Palestinian struggle. After the Six Day War, the then Egyptian president, Gamal Abdul-Nasser, in attempts to revive Arab moral, openly supported, trained, and funded PLO fedayeen. The PLO, based in Jordan, now became a well backed organisation, conducting raids into Israel. The PLO grew powerful in Jordan, creating a state-within-a-state. Hostilities between the Jordanian government and the PLO militia subsequently emerged as leftist fanaticism appeared in PLO ranks, which Arafat was unable to control. This led to fighting between the PLO guerrilla forces and the Jordanian army. The PLO, later backed by the Syrian army, was able to put up a stiff resistance. However, in 1970, an Arab delegation came to Jordan and took the besieged Arafat to Cairo where in September that year, under the custody of Gamal Abdul-Nasser, peace was signed between Arafat and King Hussein of Jordan. The following day however, Gamal Abdul-Nasser died, and by the next year, the peace agreement was annulled by the Jordanians. The Palestinians lost their patron, and the Jordanian troops on July 1971 attacked the PLO. Eventually, Arafat and the fedayeen were defeated and expelled from Jordan in September. This was to be known as Black September. Arafat and many of his senior members went to Lebanon and set up a base in Beirut. Nevertheless, the anger of this expulsion led to the creation of the extremist Fatah subgroup, Black September Organisation. Black September engaged in a series of terror attacks from 1971 to 1973, the most famous of which being the assassination of 11 Israeli athletes in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games. The works of Black September grabbed world headlines, and were successful in globalising the Palestinian issue. In 1973, Black September had outlived its usefulness (al-Issawi, 2009) and was disbanded. The Olive Branch and the Freedom Fighters Gun Arafats first diplomatic initiative was in 1972. The DFLP  [4]  , a subgroup of the PLO, proposed the idea of a two-state solution. By 1974, the PLO executive committee drew up what was to be called The Ten Point Program calling for Israel to return back liberated  [5]  Palestinian lands (American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise). On 13th November 1974, Arafat addressed the UN general assembly. In a successful address, Arafat conveyed to the world the aspirations of Palestinians: national independent sovereignty over its own land (MidEastWeb and Ami Isseroff). He ended the speech by saying, Today I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighters gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand. (MidEastWeb and Ami Isseroff). Subsequently in the Arab Summit that followed in Rabat, Arafat was formally granted full control of the Palestinian issue. In Lebanon, the PLO grew very strong, and once again created a state-within-a-state. In 1975, civil war broke out in Lebanon between the Muslim left and the Christian right. Arafat initially didnt want to be involved, but later realized that it was impossible for the PLO to remain neutral and sided with the Muslims. The PLO suffered many casualties in the War, and wasnt able to sustain its control over Palestinian refugee camps in the South. In 1982, the Civil War entered a new phase, with Israel invading Lebanon. Arafat ordered the PLO to fight back the Israelis from the south, but the sheer might of the Israeli army swept the PLO fighters. Beirut was then besieged, and the PLO was trapped. Inner city Beirut was destroyed, and thousands of people died. After two months of bombardment, a deal was made for the PLO to move out of Lebanon safely. The PLO quickly found a new base in Tunis in 1982. Though Tunis geographical distance from Palestine initially seemed to weaken the PLOs authority, the years that followed marked the birth of a new Palestinian resurgence. Throughout the late 1970s, various Palestinian factions were embroiled with infighting and killing. However in April 1987, a summit in Algiers led by Arafat united Palestinian factions. Arafat was now backed by a united PLO. In December 1987, an Israeli driver killed 4 Palestinians in Gaza. Israeli authorities deemed it an accident; however, murder was the outcry by the Palestinians. The incident resulted in rioting throughout the occupied lands. Spreading like wild fire (al-Issawi, 2009), this marked the beginning of the First Intifada (Uprising). The Intifada was symbolic; it was the first time, since 1948, where Palestinians resisted in their occupied homeland. Arafat organised cells within the occupied territories, thus exerting his dominance over Palestine. The Intifada attracted global headlines, once again projecting onto the world screen the Palestinian struggle. The Creation of the State of Palestine and Peace talks In 1988, Jordan broke of all ties with the West Bank, and in November that year, Yasser Arafat proclaimed the establishment of the State of Palestine. Problem facing Arafat was that the PLO had no control over any land in Palestine, nor was it based in Palestine to run the state. The US indicated that Arafat must first renounce terrorism if ever he wanted to receive their support. Hence, on the 13th and 14th of December 1988, Arafat addressed the UN general assembly at Switzerland. He formally renounced terrorism in all its forms, accepted the State of Israel and revealed his intentions of seeking peaceful negotiations them. The US was satisfied and talks began with the US ambassador to Tunisia Robert Pelletreau and PLO officials. However, the talks were futile and consequently ended when Arafat didnt condemn attacks against Israeli settlements by PLO subgroups. In 1993, the first direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders took place in Oslo, Norway. The talks were very secretive, with Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin and their top ministers negotiating the terms of peaceful co-existing. Issues such as the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territories, Palestinian elections, economic cooperation and regional development were all discussed. With the supervision of the Clinton government, on 13th of September 1993, the Oslo Accords were signed. However, many of the terms of the Oslo Accords to which Arafat agreed to were vague. The boundaries of both states werent clearly defined, specifically that of Jerusalem. Further peace talks took place in the following years to clarify some of the these vague points; and in the year 2000, at Camp David, the final arrangements of the peace agreements were to be made with the then Prime Minister of Israel, Ehud Barack. The talks were unsuccessful and Arafat was blamed as being the obstacle to peace. Analysis Yasser Arafat played three roles in trying to bring a resolution to the Palestinian problem. He first took control of the Palestinians destiny from the negligent Arab regimes, then undertook the armed struggle, and then sought peaceful initiatives to resolve the Palestinian problem. Taking Control of the Palestinian Issue Arafats role in making the Palestinians masters of their destiny may perhaps be his greatest accomplishment in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem. How this task was undertaken may well find its roots in his involvement in the 1948 war. The lack of coordination between the parties of the Arab coalition fuelled resentment in Arafat, as that consequently cost them the war. Barry and Judith Rubin explain that, The only thing Arafat seems to have learned from the debacle was to blame it on the Arab states rather than on the Palestinians themselves (Barry Rubin, 2003 p. 16). Perhaps this might be correct; however, the Rubins remark is quite crude as the 1948 War was in fact led by the Arab nations. As the Palestinian issue was then an Arab issue, responsibility for the 1948 loss may well be put on those leading Arab countries, rather than the Palestinians. Nevertheless, the Arab defeat in the 1948 War may well have led Arafat to make the Palestinians masters of their own destiny. Subsequently, the creation of Fatah marked the beginning of Arafat taking the lead in dealing with the Palestinian problem. The basic creed of Fatah, written in Fatahs constitution, The Palestinian Revolution plays a leading role in liberating Palestine (Fateh) projects the idea of Arafats goal of Palestinians being masters of their destiny. Arafats role in the creation of Fatah and its quick rise projected his great potential in leading a Palestinian resistance. Arafat was able to auspiciously lead a Palestinian resistance, and make the Palestinian problem a Palestinian issue. However, growing dissatisfaction towards the Arab regimes in the 1950s may well have helped Arafat in his rise. At the time, as Edward Said states, Most Palestinians fear large-scale sellouts by the Arab states, themselves tired out by the uneven struggle (Said, 1995 p. 10). With this fear of betrayal lingering, Arafats was able to garner support among the Palestinians. However, the idea of a Palestinian resolution became a reality with the Arab defeat in the Six Day War. Palestinians lost confidence in an Arab resolution and a Palestinian resolution now seemed the only option. Though the circumstance of the time helped Arafat, his guerrilla activities in the 1960s made him a rally point for many fervent Palestinians, eager to give rise to a new Palestinian resistance. As T.G. Fraser puts it, it was in these disheartening circumstances that the Palestinian revival bega n. There was little doubt that Arafats was the decisive voice (Fraser, 2008 p. 88). Karameh subsequently marks the turning point for Palestinians in taking control of their destiny. Fatahs resistance there made Palestinians realise their potential to fight Israel independently without Arab intervention. Reinforcing this issue, Edward Said states, Thus, Karameh divides the Palestinian experience into a before that had refused an encounter and an after that finds the Palestinian standing in, becoming, fighting to dramatize the disjunction of his or her history in Palestine (Said, 1995 p. 9). Arafats role was crucial in bringing about this change in paradigm for the Palestinians, making them rather self reliant from the Arab regimes, and subsequently masters of their destiny. In transforming the Palestinian problem from being an Arab issue to a Palestinian issue, Arafat paved the way for Palestinians to come to the negotiating table with Israel, rather than the other Arab countries whose determination in the conflict was waning. Hence, as a Palestinian leading the Palestinian struggle in his chairmanship of the PLO, he made Palestinians masters of their destiny. The Armed Struggle Yasser Arafat once said, Palestine was lost in blood and iron, and it can only be recovered with blood and iron; and blood and iron have nothing to do with philosophies and theories (Karsh, 2003 p. 32). This sums up the basic principles of his armed struggle, as Arafat look to regain was taken by force. Arafats armed struggle coincides with his role in making the Palestinians masters of their destiny. The raids conducted by Fatah in the early 60s had helped the organization garner support amongst many zealous Palestinian. However, after the 1967 War, an increase in the armed struggle projected the fact that the Palestinians were now independent of the Arab regimes. Mahdoud Nofal, a senior official of the DFLP states, All of these [the increase in armed activity] factors dealt a knockout blow to the Arab custodianship of the Palestinians cause, and thus the Palestinians became the masters of their destiny (al-Issawi, 2009). However, as the PLOs armed struggle in Jordan increased, it had both favorable and complementary effects on the revolution. The armed struggle revitalized Palestinian morale, thus bringing a sense of unity to the fervent Palestinians. However, this fervor made them adversaries to the Arab governments of their residence. In Jordan, this subsequently led to their expulsion, and later in Lebanon. A key component of Arafats armed struggle was terrorism. Terrorism was employed by the PLO even before its expulsion from Jordan. This is significant because the Palestinians had never been the equal of Israel in terms of military power. Israels ability to contain the Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories and deal with any Palestinian threat made it difficult for Arafat to continue the resistance. With terrorism, Arafat was able to attract world headline, project the Palestinian resistance onto the world screen and thus carry on the Palestinian struggle. Arafats use of terrorism could be similarly linked to the FLNs (National Liberation Front) use of terrorism in the Algerian War. Faced against the occupying French, the FLN were successful in bringing their struggle to the worlds attention, with their guerrilla activities in Algeria and terror antics in France. Arafats aim was to achieve similar results: He had seen how it [terrorism] mobilized Palestinian and Arab suppo rt for the PLO; raised the Palestine issues international priority; prevented other Arab states from negotiating peace with Israel, and made many western leaders eager to appease him (Barry Rubin, 2003 p. 61). However, historians have polarized views on this issue of terrorism. Barry and Judith Rubin, see Arafat as a vile murderer, stating that, Arafats tactics were aimed more at killing the enemys civilians than at defeating its army (Barry Rubin, 2003 p. 38). Contrastingly, Bassam Abu Sherif, a former advisor to Arafat, says, Im one of those who have read history carefully, and never in my reading have I read that a colonialist power had ever called a people or a nation that is resisting colonialism but a terrorist (Khan, 2009). Both views cannot be discredited as being bias or incorrect, for Rubin looks at the action and Abu Sherif looks at the principle of terrorism. Nevertheless, it is agreed upon that terrorism allowed the resistance to be projected onto the world screen. The consequences of the Lebanese Civil War marked the failure of the armed struggle. Arafats inability to protect the refugee camps, the destruction of the fedayeen and his relocation to Tunis accumulatively indicated that armed resistance was not going to resolve the Palestinian problem. Though the intifada allowed Arafat to gain support and exert his dominance in Palestine, new avenues were now required to resolve the Palestinian problem. Arafats ability to grab headlines in the 70s and 80s ensured the survival of the Palestinian resistance. This is a key aspect of Yasser Arafats role in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem. It meant that hope for Palestinian liberation and sovereignty was kept alive for the future generations. As stated by Professor Stephen Howe,  [6]  Without the Arafat of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, there might well not have been a Palestinian national movement at all (Howe, 2004). The Initiatives for Peace Arafats first initiatives to peace, in the form of the Ten Point Program, represented his willingness to negotiate. This was further reinforced with his address to the UN general assembly in 1974. In saying Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand. I repeat: do not let the olive branch fall from my hand (MidEastWeb and Ami Isseroff), he expressed his willingness to negotiate to fair terms to resolve the Palestinian problem. Implicitly, Arafat saw the limits of the armed struggle, and his offering of an olive branch meant that he implicitly accepted the existence of Israel. Subsequently, as the armed struggle failed to liberate Palestine, Arafat saw that the means to attain the Palestinian dream didnt matter, but rather what mattered was the subsequent outcome. For such reason, the great switch was seen in 1988, when he renounced the armed struggle. The failure of the armed struggled resulted with Oslo and Camp David.  [7]  The resolution to peace was a means of Arafat trying to obtain some tangible solution for the Palestinian problem. However, what Arafat agreed to at Oslo was vague in many of its terms. Both parties were ultimately suspicious of the other and the talks were doomed to fail  [8]  . Historians however seem to have polarised views on the true intents of Arafat in his resolution to peace. One argument put up by the Rubins is that Arafat presented to the world a changed semblance of peace in order to drive his own plans of continuing the armed struggle, Arafat could hope to convince the west that he was ready for peace and convince his own colleagues that he was determined to continue the struggle (Barry Rubin, 2003 p. 113). Contrastingly, Bassam Abu Sherif argues that though the US did pressure Arafat, he was genuine on his part, and primarily wanted the announcement to first be supported by the Palestinians, It was clear that Arafat wanted to be flexible enough to meet American demands, but he also wanted to make sure that he had the approval of the majority of the PLO executive committee to preserve the democracy of the decision making process of the PLO (Abu Sherif, 2009 p. 183). Abu Sherifs claim seems to carry more weight as it was clear that by the 90s the a rmed struggle wasnt going to solve the Palestinian issue. Arafat needed to find new avenues to resolve the issue, and diplomacy was the only plausible option. Arafat seems to have been wrongly antagonised by many for the failure of Camp David. Such include psychohistorian Avner Falk who says, Tragically-or courageously, as his admirers saw it- Arafat rejected Baracks generous offer and presented his own non negotiable demands (Falk, 2004). Falk seems to be subjective as she fails to consider the unfairness of the Camp David Summit, which many political commentators and historians today would agree as being imbalanced. Therefore, Arafat had no choice but to reject what was placed before him at Camp David. Dennis Ross, the US envoy to the Middle East under Clinton, states, Should he [Arafat] have taken the deal at Camp David? Probably not (al-Issawi, 2009). Israel was to receive a large portion of the conferred lands and Palestinian sovereignty was confined to areas heavily surrounded by Israeli settlements. Robert Mally, an advisor to President Clinton, states, he [Arafat] couldnt accept that. He couldnt accept them because there was no way he could defend a 9:1 swap, theres no way he could accept Israeli sovereignty over the haram, theres no way he could accept this patchwork of sovereignty over Jerusalem (al-Issawi, 2009). Hence, with that, its clear that Arafat wasnt an obstacle to peace. Half a century of fighting exhausted the Arab world, and for the Palestinians, new paths were needed in order to achieve some tangible solution. Arafat understood this, and his desire for a peaceful resolution at Oslo represented some hope for the settlement of the Palestinian issue. Arafat wasnt an obstacle to peace, as his willingness to compromise was and still is the scarcest quality among Palestinian leaders. Nevertheless, Arafat was a Palestinian and he did not relinquish the basic principles he and his people fought for in the last 50 or so years, for the sake of an unjust peace. Peace was to come after just negotiations, and Arafat played a key role in projecting this idea Conclusion: The study looked to explore, what was the role of Yasser Arafat in trying to bring a resolution to the Palestinian problem. He subsequently played three roles in attempting to resolve the issue. He first took control of the Palestinians destiny from the Arab regimes, making them masters of their destiny. The armed struggle that followed united the Palestinians, and it was an attempt at retaining sovereignty over Palestine by force. The armed struggle also projected onto the world screen the Palestinian resistance, letting it not be forgotten. However, the failure of the armed struggle led to diplomacy and negotiation, as he tried to attain some sovereignty over Palestine for his people who were exhausted with nearly 50 years of struggle and resistance. This study could be further investigated by exploring how successful Arafat was in his leadership of the PLO. A critical analysis could also be made of the Oslo Accord, why they failed, and his role in agreeing to the terms as they were. In addition, further studies could be undertaken in order to evaluate why Arafat was not successful in trying to find a resolution to the Palestinian problem. This could partly look at the complementary effects other Palestinian factions (such as Hamas) had on his leadership in its end days Reference List: Books Abu Sherif Bassam Arafat and the Dream for Palestine [Book].   New York  : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Barry Rubin Judith Colp Rubin Arafat: A Political Biography [Book].   New York  : Oxford Universty Press Inc, 2003. Falk Avner Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab-Israeli Conflict [Book].   Madison  : The Unversity of Wisconsin Press, 2004. Fraser T.G. The Arab-Israeli Conflict [Book].   New York  : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.   3rd Edition. Karsh Efraim Arafats War: The Man and His Battle for Israeli Conquest [Book].   New York  : Grove Press, 2003. Said Edward W. The Politics of Dispossesion [Book].   New York  : Vintage Books, 1995. Tesseler Mark A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict [Book].   Bloomington  : Indiana Press, 1994. Documentaries al-Issawi Omar PLO: History of a Revolution [TV Documentary].   [s.l.]  : Al Jazeera  ; Al Jazeera English, July 13, 2009.   Vols. Episode 1-6.   http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/plohistoryofrevolution/2009/07/200974133438561995.html. Khan Riz One On One [TV Documentary]  = Bassam Abu Sherif.   [s.l.]  : Al Jazeera English, December 19, 2009.   Vol. I.   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cx0oKrw01qw. Internet Sources American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise The PLOs Ten Point Plan [Online]  // Jewish Virtual Library.   American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.   August 10, 2010.   http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Terrorism/PNCProgram1974.html. Fateh Fateh Constitution [Online]  // Al-Zaytouna.   Al-Zaytouna Centre.   August 15, 2010.   http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061. Howe Stephen The death of Arafat and the end of national liberation [Online]  // openDemocracy.   openDemocracy Limited, November 18, 2004.   June 28, 2010.   http://www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-debate_97/article_2234.jsp. McCarthy Justin Palestines Population During The Ottoman And The British Mandate Periods [Online]  // PalestineRemembered.com.   PalestineRemembered.Com, September 8, 2001.   August 14, 2010.   http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Palestine-Remembered/Story559.html#Table 1.

The Impact of ICT on Manufacturing :: ICT Essays

The Impact of ICT on Manufacturing Acknowledgements: This report has been done with the help of my teacher, friend & obviously with the help of ICT* (Internet). I researched through the Internet & found many helpful sites to complete my report. Search engines such as www.google.com has helped me to find the relevant sites for my report. I used some information from http://www.thekjs.essex.sch.uk/yates/it08_-_9.htm to complete my report. There are also some other sites from which the information has been taken. I have also acquired* some information from the PC World magazine to learn about the different soft wares that are used in world of manufacturing. Contents page ------------- Summary: In this report I found out the uses, advantages & disadvantages of ICT. They are listed below in their respective categories. I mainly concentrated on the Manufacturing* section where the ICT is used extensively. I have found the different ways in which the Industries work now days. ICT has improved the communication technology the way the different companies interact with each other & with their respected customers. ICT has brought the World to its feet. There is no place where ICT is never used or not being used. I have found vast amount of information with the help of ICT to complete my report. I have found how companies use ICT to manufacture the products in bulk with less effort & time waste. The accuracy of each product made is exactly the way it was designed on the computer. I have discovered some soft wares, which help in the design of the product & also manufacture them automatically. These are CAD/CAM* soft wares. I have concluded my report by saying that ICT has revolutionised the Manufacturing sector. Terms of reference: This report I for the portfolio Unit 12 of the GNVQ course following the criteria laid down by OCR. The deadline given to me for completing this report was 31/01/2003 & I have managed to stick to that deadline. The overall purpose of my report is to make sure that I have met the requirements to achieve a high grade. Methodology: I found out the task from my teacher & practised it on the Thomas Telford Website using banking scenarios. After my practise session I decided on the topic on which I would be doing my report. I decided it to be on 'Manufacturing'. I chose this section as ICT has changed the way of production & manufacturing. I started my research on 'The impact of ICT on Manufacturing' on the Internet, magazines, and books & also took some assistance from my parents on what they think about ICT changing the way we work & interact* with the

Maltese Falcon :: essays research papers

The Maltese Falcon by Dashiell Hammett takes place in the 1930s and has a variety of mysterious charactersincluding: Sam Spade, Brigid O'Shaughhnessy, Joel Cairo, Mr. Gutman, and Wilmer. When O'Shaughnessy comes to Spade and asks him to shadow Thursby, the story takes off ona rampage of events with seemingly no relevance until they are revealed in the end. The conflict that drives the story is the unknown location of the Maltese falcon, a golden falcon of immense value. All the actions and even emotinos fo the characters are driven by the desire to obtain the falcon ormoney from obtaining the falcon. While some characters are more moreal than others, all of them have at least one fault which makes them untrustworthy: greed, stupidity, or all three. The characters eliminate each other trhoguhout the story, either arrested or killed, until only Sapde is left unscathed. The book has three phases: definite misunderstanding, unknown misunderstanding and comprehension. In the first phase of the book, all the characters completely misunderstand each other. As the book progresses, the characters begin to believe that they have an understanding of each other, which complicates everyone's emotions. Finally, the characters comprehend the previous emotions of the other characters and truly understand the events and the emotions of everyone. Later, Spade decides to have a meeting ith O'Shbaughnessy and Cairo together. Befor ethe meeting, Spade notices a youngman shadowing him. HE temporarily forgets about it and goes to the meeting in his apartment. At the meeting Cairo and O'Shaughnesy briefly speak of a falcon, but the doorbell interrupts them. Sam goes to the door greets two police detectives that are investigating the deaths of Thursby and Archer. The officers demand entry when they hear a scream and a shout from within,. When they reach the room of the scream, they find Cairo with a bloody face, holding a gun at O'Shaughnessy. In an attempt to allay suspiciion, Spade says that it is a deliberate joke. The police leave Spade alone, but they take Cairo to the station for questioning. Eventually, the mysterious young man, Wilmer confronts Spade and takes him to an apartment. HE brings Spade into a room where Mr. Gutman is sitting. They botht ry to get information without giving information. Sam decides to arrange a meeting with Cairo, O'Shaughnessy, Gutman, and Wilmer. Before the meeting, the captain of the boat, La Paloma, arrives at Spade's office, injured but carrying what appears to be the Maltese falcon.

Is there an objective standard of taste? Essay -- Art, Aesthetic Princi

In Aesthetics, it is thought that in order to show that a work of art is truly great, it is required that an assessment of aesthetic value must be made (Graham, 2001). Therefore, it can be seen as important that such criteria of can be defined in order to make such an assessment. In this essay, I shall argue that it is not possible for there to be an objective standard of taste that can be defined through a set of binding aesthetic principles that can be used to judge value of artistic works. Rather, than an objective standard of taste can exist without aesthetic rules or principles. This shall be done by first examining Hume’s seminal work ‘Of the standard of taste’ (Hume, SOT). Firstly Hume’s idea of ‘agreeableness’ of a work art shall be addressed, and how the idea of the test of time can result in unanimity of in aesthetic judgement as evidence that there can be an objective standard for aesthetic judgement. This shall be confirmed by examining Hume’s non-cognitivist account of aesthetic judgement proposing that no properties of objects can make them viable candidates for aesthetic evaluation, only the immediate and spontaneous reactions that they can evoke from us can. After this has been established it will then be shown that due to the shared nature of the human species, such aesthetic sentiments can display reasonable uniformity. Although it will have already been established that a uniformity of taste exists, it will be discussed how aesthetic sentiments can be improved by a sound understanding of what is being appreciated, as it is possible for some aesthetic judgments to be better than others, through aesthetic judgment o f individuals that Hume regards as being good critics, who have well-tuned aesthetic sensibilit... ... (1963) The abbreviations and texts cited above are as follows: [T] A Treatise of Human Nature, edited by L. A. Selby-Bigge, 2nd ed. revised by P.H. Nidditch, Oxford: Clarendon Press, (1975) [SOT] â€Å"Of the Standard of Taste,† in, The Philosophical Works of David Hume, edited by T. H. Green and T. H. Grose. 4 volumes, London: Longman, Green, 1874-75. [Page references above to individual essays are to volume 3 of this edition.] Web Articles used Zangwill, Nick, "Aesthetic Judgment", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2006 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), URL = . Gracyk, Ted, "Hume's Aesthetics", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2006 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), forthcoming URL = .

Philippine Canning Corporation Case Essay

I. Issues that Azucena Inalis must take into consideration. There seems to be two major issues that PCC must tackle in its ‘corned beef venture’; 1) where should PCC get its raw materials? (beef) and 2) Where does PCC source its debt? When it comes to the outsourcing of beef, PCC is considering Argentina, Australia, and/ or India. There are a number of concerns that must be addressed when it comes to importing raw materials from any one of these countries: 1) Political and Legal Considerations 2) Economic Performance and Management 3) Government Protectionist Policies The matter of sourcing debt is relatively simple because there are only two options being deliberated; 1) Denomination in Philippine Pesos, or 2) denomination in US Dollars. II. Evaluating the Issues 1) Political and Legal Considerations Argentina is widely considered to be one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Argentina scored 35/100 on the Transparency International rating as of 2011. 0/100 would be extremely corrupt while 100/100 would be clean. Crime rates as well as poverty are known issues. There is high risk as far as the political considerations in Argentina are concerned. India scored 36/100 on the Transparency International rating as of 2011. 0/100 would be extremely corrupt while 100/100 would be clean. Australia is would be considered in a low risk bracket, there is a strong legal system in operation and there is high confidence in government Australia scored 85/100 and they are well recognized for their efforts to stymy and eventually eradicate corruption and poverty altogether. 2) Economic Performance and Management Taken from Teadingeconomics.com(2013) | Instituto Nacional de Stadista ^ The latest reported inflation rate for Argentina is 10.5% for this month. It has been steadily decreasing from a high of 11.1% in early February  (Instituto Nacional de Estadista, 2013) but it has been forecasted to increase to 10.8% by mid-October. Taken from Tradingeconomics.com(2013) | Ministry of Comerce and Industry ^ India’s latest reported inflation rate is 4.86%. It has also been decreasing but in a more rapid rate compared to Argentina. From 10% in late 2011 to a sudden drop to7-8% in early 2012, and a gradual decrease to 6.68-7.5% in late 2012 and early 2013. Taken from Tradingeconomics.com | Australian Burau of Statistics ^ Inflation in Australia From 2010-2012, Australias inflation has been in the 2.1% (low) to 3.6% (high) region. Inflation went as low as 1.2% in the mid-2012, and gradually increased back to 2.5% through late 2012 and the first quarter of 2013. In the second quarter of 2013 however, inflation is back down to 2.4%. As far as inflation is concerned, the Australian economy is outperforming both Argentina and India by the proverbial mile. Let’s take a look at economic management. Indian Central Bank Base Interest Rates (Historical) Retrieved from Global-rates.com (2013) The current base interest rate is 7.25%. It has fluctuated in recent years from 5% in 2010 to 8.5% in early 2012- probably to control inflation; it was during this period that India’s inflation rate suddenly dropped frombeen on the decline from a high 8.5% in early 2012. This may be an explanation as to why India’s inflation dropped from 10% to 7+%. Retrieved from: Tradingeconomics.com (2013) 11.38 is the current base interest rate for Argentina. It has been moving in the 9-12% range since early 2012 3) Government Protectionist Policies REFERENCES Transparency International (2013) The Global Coalition Against Corruption; Corruption by Country/ Territory. Retrieved from: http://www.transparency.org/country#ARG_DataResearch Trading Economics (2013) Inflation Rates. Retrieved from : http://www.tradingeconomics.com/argentina/inflation-cpi

President Andrew Jackson Vetoes Bank Bill

Ernesto Hernandez Rodriguez Deacon Orr Economics October 9, 2012 President Andrew Jackson Vetoes Bank Bill—July 10, 1832 President Andrew Jackson veto against the bank bill is truly a communication to Congress but it is also like a political manifesto. He states that the privileges possessed by the bank are unauthorized by the Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and dangerous to the liberties of the people. In McCuloch v Maryland, the court turned to the â€Å"necessary† and â€Å"proper† clause which grants Congress enumerated powers which include the power to regulate collect taxes.President Jackson explains the necessity in regards to the functions that the bank is trying to fulfill: The â€Å"degree of its necessity,† involving all the details of a banking institution, is a question exclusively for legislative consideration (Jackson). It is not question for the judicial department. As stated in the Constitution the one that has the jo b to determine what is â€Å"necessary† in cases where the law is not prohibited or really calculated, is the legislative department. President Jackson gives major points in describing the reason why the bank was not â€Å"necessary† and â€Å"proper†.At first the bank was established by Congress because of the power to determine what was necessary. But in the years 1816 and 1832 Congress proposed and took away from their successors the power of establishing banks for twenty years and then for fifteen years more. This contradiction that Congress did of bartering away or divesting itself from the powers is unconstitutional because of using discretion upon itself; Congress was limiting the discretion of their successors. And the Constitution does not grant Congress the power to inflict this in itself. The bank affected the rights of the Sates in a subversive way.It gave up, surrendered the right of the States to tax the banking institutions. Under the operation of this act resident stockholders and citizens would be taxed 1 per cent. Stock held in the States would be subject to taxation, meanwhile stocks from the branches and those foreign stockholders would have been exempted from this burden. Their annual profits would be 1 per cent more than the citizen stockholders. As annual dividends of the bank estimated at 7 per cent, the stock would be worth 10 or 15 per cent more to foreigners than to citizens of the United States.Another important aspect was the benefits foreign stockholders received through this act. Not only citizens received bounty from government, more than eight millions of the stock was held by foreigners. And the bank act would not permit competition in the purchase of this monopoly. A fourth part of the stock is held by foreigners and the residue is held by a few hundredths of US citizens, chiefly of the richest class. As annual dividends of the bank estimated at 7 per cent, the stock would be worth 10 or 15 per cent more to foreigners than to citizens of the United States.Of the twenty-eight millions of private stock in the corporation, $8,405,500 was held by foreigners, mostly Great Britain. The amount of specie drawn from those States through its branches within two years was about $6,000,000. More than a half a million of this amount passes on to Europe to pay the dividends of the foreign stockholders. When by a tax on resident stockholders the stock of this bank was made worth 10 or 15 per cent more to foreigners than to residents. The bank would have sent across the Atlantic from two to five millions of specie every year to pay the bank dividends.Shockingly almost one third of foreign stock that was not represented in elections curtails the suffrage of the directors. The entire stock would have serious chances to fall into the hands of few citizen stockholders causing temptation to secure the control in their own hands by monopolizing the remaining stock. There was also a danger that a presiden t and directors would then reelect themselves from year to year without the responsibility to control manage the whole concerns of the bank. The American people would have suffered an adverse effect in many ways. This ct excludes the whole American people from competition in the purchase of this monopoly and dispose of it for many millions less than it is worth. The fourth section provision secures to the State banks a legal privilege in the Bank of the United States which is withheld from all private citizens. There was a lack of equality when paying with notes. A State bank that had notes by a particular branch could pay the dept to the Bank of the United States with those notes, but a citizen couldn’t pay with those notes but must have sold them at a discount or sent them to the branch to be cashed.This does not measure out equal justice to the high and the low, the rich and the poor. The president of the bank said that most of the State banks existed by its forbearance, t he abstention of enforcing the payment of the debt. The influence of the self elected directory which is identified with those of the foreign stockholders may become concentered in a particular interest that could affect the purity of elections and the independence of the country when it goes to war.Their influence could have been so great as to influence elections and control the affairs of the nation. Works Cited Jackson, Andrew.  «Miller Center.  » 10 de July de 1832. Miller Center. Monday October 2012. . McBride, Alex.  «pbs.  » s. f. The Supreme Court. Monday October 2012. .